Current Threats
* Camisea Natural Gas Project
* Roads and migration
* Timber logging
Camisea Natural Gas Project
A serious threat to Machiguenga Communal Reserve is the Camisea Natural Gas Project. Pipeline construction from the treatment plant in Las Malvinas in Urubamba River to the coast of Peru implies a direct impact on the reserve's forest and biodiversity. The pipeline crosses approximately 12 km of the southeastern portion of the protected area. To install the pipeline, the company has plowed down a strip of forest that, in theory, is 25 m wide (5 m are needed for 2 tubes, 10 m for future maintenance, and 15 m for initial construction machinery that will be reforested and "returned to natural state"). The pipeline installation requires opening a corridor and cutting vegetation along the path. After considering secondary impacts from cutting a 25 m wide corridor, such as mudslides and erosion and heavy rains, there are some sectors where the corridor expands to more than 100 m wide.
This corridor, or deforestation belt, implies altered draining patterns, affects species movements, interrupts seed dispersal and natural forest regeneration, destroys habitat, and negatively impacts the landscape. The magnitude and span of the environmental effects impose a serious environmental liability for the region and country. Obliterating a strip of mature, natural vegetation and digging large amounts of soil in the watershed to bury natural gas transportation ducts is like building a barricade for migrations and genetic interchange of small species like tree frogs and underground reptiles. Regenerating vegetation and maintaining the right-of-way will never be enough to remove this barrier along more than 180 km of primary rainforest, including almost 12 km within the Machiguenga Communal Reserve.
The project impacts Machiguenga Communal Reserve and the region in other ways as well. First of all, there is increased boat and air traffic. More boats are traveling along the rivers and the airplane and helicopter traffic is intense, generating noise that affects both people and animals. In the case of the increased river traffic, waves make traditional canoe travel used by most inhabitants difficult. Furthermore, heavy machinery leaks and spills oil and fuel into the soil and creeks. The project employees generate waste and garbage. People scare away fauna. Native people employed as workers have more disposable income, which could potentially allow them to purchase shotguns and fishing nets and increase their hunting and fishing capabilities eventually increasing pressure on wildlife in the communal reserve. Likewise, they may instead purchase chainsaws and dedicate time to extracting timber from the zone.
Tube installation, photo (c) JL
When the project began, the first notable effect felt by local inhabitants was increased river traffic along the Urubamba, as the project had to transport their construction materials to the zone. This coincided with less fish in the river, and locals began to feel uncomfortable with the whole idea. According to locals interviewed for this park profile, they believed that the large barges scared away the fish. They claim that there were no fish for 3 to 4 months. However, the company began a fish-monitoring program all the way to the Ucayali River. They discovered that in Atalay and Ucayali there were several fisherman with huge nets prohibiting fish from swimming upriver. These fishermen's methods were corrected so that fish could move towards the Urubamba River. In Pucallpa there are a large number of barges and there is still a ton of fish. Once the company investigated they figured out what happened and they fixed it. The problem has not been seen this year (28).
As the project moved forward, communities perceived a series of effects as a result of the project's activities. Notable effects include negotiation processes, workshops for directors, coordination visits, outside employees and machinery present in communal territories, deforestation for the pipeline's right-of-way, negotiations of financial compensations, large amounts of money in traditional communities, supposed water quality problems in certain locations due to erosion along the deforested right-of-way, earth removal and lack of preventive measures, increased number of diverse institutions in the region taking advantage of the company's financial resources to mediate between communities, companies, and the State, and increased number of vendors in the communities.
Project impacts were obvious when we visited the communities. In a meeting in Puerto Huallana, locals expressed their discontent with the large number of company airplanes and helicopters. They said that in company materials/agreement distributed in the communities, the company said that flights over the communities would be prohibited, but they are not complying with this promise. The communities have complained and they have asked the company to comply with their end of the deal, but the company does not want to accept. Apparently, the company says that they can fly over the area because it is national territory, but the agreement says otherwise.
Erosion caused by project activities, photo (c) JL.
Inhabitants of Puerto Huallana also expressed their preoccupation with increased water turbidity in the Picha River due to installation of tubes in the headwaters of its tributaries. Sedimentation in the creeks has increased considerably because of cut vegetation, soil removal, and subsequent rains that wash sediment towards the creeks. When it rains a little bit, the water becomes turbid, the fish disappear, and locals do not catch as much. One duct passes directly by the Patoroti River headwaters and when it pours, locals can feel its effects. According to people in Puerto Huallana, there are neither loggers, nor illegal hunters entering the protected area from their zone.
In a meeting with the Camaná native community, which is next to the communal reserve and through which the project tubes cross before entering the protected area, a pair of locals timidly commented that they had found tubes and other plastic in the river. They said that they were downriver during high water in a place called "ponguito" along the banks of Corintiari River. According to several project employees, this happened because they had to improvise some job and they left everything along the edge of the river, but high waters came that same night. The locals also complain of mudslides that have increased turbidity in the creeks when it rains. Shirumbia River and Corintiari Creek have been affected. They say that Parotori River also gets dirty when it rains and affects fishing.
During our field visit, we noted that the community members seem reluctant to speak out against the company's activities. The communities receive financial compensation for allowing the pipeline to cross through their territories, and locals are hired as workers, so they probably fear that they will lose these benefits if they speak out against the company. This was made obvious to us when in one community meeting; an attendee said, "we do not want anyone to say later that the community of Camaná criticized the company and we want you to write your reports as we have spoken, without speculation."
According to Ricardo Risco, the communities are dispersed and they've placed their personal material or economic interest over the communal interest. We estimate that they will be left with expectations and financial dependencies because there is a lot of money circulating in the communities lately that attracts non-pure businesses like alcohol and prostitution. Increased river travel and helicopters causing annoying noise were additional impacts. Lately, because of increased boat traffic, increased sedimentation from erosion along the pipeline right-of-way, and improper wastewater dumping in workers' camps, communities have noted fish scarcities.
Areas along the pipeline's right-of-way have felt the most impacts. There are very large forest openings, and large mounds of dirt along the right-of-way that will be used to refill the holes after the tubes are buried. However, the rain has washed soil away from most of these areas because they have used the inadequate technique of first opening the right-of-way and then waiting until climatic conditions improve to bury the tubes. During this lapse, everything is left uncovered and vulnerable to the rains that have eroded the material (29).
According to Erick Meneses of CI, there is a certain amount of water contamination along the entire 740 km-long pipeline, including the section crossing the communal reserve. In fact, the Supervising Organization of Energy Investment (OSINERG) fined the company for soil erosion and entering a protected area without INRENA's permission. As of this writing, the company has not paid the fine.
Path of the gas pipeline, photo © JL
The company contracted the NGO Pro Naturaleza (Pro Naturaleza Consortium - Peruvian Environmental Network RAP - and Confederation of Peruvian Amazonian Nacionalities CONAP) to monitor certain activities, which is creating a participatory monitory program. The Peruvian Gas Transportation Company TGP is doing the same in some areas of the lower Urubamba. Monitoring occurs in areas directly affected and within some colonial settlements. These programs have requested two representatives per community to work as communal monitors.
When the monitoring program began, there were significant delays. In September 2002, training for the monitors began, but the company started working even though the actual monitoring program had not begun. Also, in the meantime, several communal monitors quit and in an effort to meet the monitoring requirement, their replacements were selected without a community assembly and the process continued. Today, the communal monitors work alongside with company managers instead of coordinating or taking complementary actions with his/her corresponding community board of directors.
CEDIA's criticism is that the process is not an independent program. When COMARU was working to establish an entirely independent monitoring system with the communities, the company made a financial offer to hire an independent monitoring organization and they selected Pro Naturaleza, thereby weakening COMARU's process. The monitoring plan sponsored by Pluspetrol lacks clear orientation. In the case of certain types of problems, like for example when a girl drowned in the river because of the company's boat traffic, the communities have had to take it upon themselves to act because the monitors' actions have been very weak. Also, monitors do not share learned knowledge with their communities, so they are not strengthened as a result of the program. CEDIA thinks that once the operation and monitoring program ends, the communities won't have anything, not even the gained experience from which they might capitalize on in the future.
According to Pro Naturaleza, the community Camaná reported a problem during the rainy season in the higher parts of the basin. There, the rains caused increased turbidity in the creeks, which usually occurs during the rainy season, but it was worse than normal. However, even the community monitors classified the problem as temporary, because once the rains stopped, the creeks returned to normal. Even still, the complaint was filed, they talked to the company, they filed the report using the forms and established communication channels, the company went to the scene with consultants to inspect, and they agreed that there was an erosion problem. The forms for these problems do not just go to the company; they are also shared with a state agency, the Technical Group of Interinstitutional Cooperation (GTCI), which can go observe the problems and determine whether or not the company is taking appropriate corrective measures. Basically, this example is trying to say that the company responds when a complaint is filed.
Solid waste management has been one of the primary issues. A resulting achievement is that the monitors do not just think of the company's solid waste management, they think of it and take actions within their own communities.
Erosion and material slides and the pipeline route, photos (c) Antonio Salas of Grupo
de Especialistas de la Sociedad Civil para el Proyecto de Camisea
Communities implementing community monitoring include Nuevo Mundo, Kirigueti, Cashiriari, Segakiato, Shivankoreni, Camisea, Ticumpinía, Camaná, Timpía (these last two border the reserve) and the colonist settlement of Túpac Amaru.
According to Pro Naturaleza, the idea for the community environmental monitoring plan came from the indigenous federations and it is not an initiative of Pluspetrol or the Peruvian Gas Transportation Company TGP. The indigenous federations created pressure and that is why Pluspetrol consulted with the grassroots organizations to meet their demands. The monitoring program needs its own boat, its own office, and an independent communication system that belongs to the communities so that they do not have to depend on the company for logistics and they can increase their range of activities (30).
Roads and migration
The road originating in Quillabamba going to Ivochote along the upper Urubamba River is the main access road in the region. From Ivochote, travel is via river towards the lower Urubamba. The road actually goes further than Ivochote all the way to Talancato, in front of the mouth of Saniriato Creek, but it is in very bad shape and is basically unusable. The local government of Inca Region of Cusco improved this road in 1988 to 1990. Regional authorities have proposed fixing the road to Talancato, uniting the towns of Pachiri, Pangoa, and Saniriato, which have strong Andean colonist presence. They envision extending the road towards the lower Urubamba to the zone of operation of Camisea Natural Gas Project.
Roads attract more colonization and facilitate access for those wanting to extract resources. Road building is directly related to Camisea Natural Gas Project activities, since they have built a main road and secondary roads to construct and maintain their pipeline and introduce heavy machinery to the pipeline's right-of-way. There is a risk that the roads built to install the pipeline will be used to extract and transport wood, that farmers will open up agricultural plots along the right-of-way and that more farmers will migrate to the lower Urubamba in search of land. These roads are made possible by and enlarged by colonists in coordination with local municipalities.
Supposedly the company has promised to reforest and abandon the roads once the pipeline construction activities are complete. However, local municipalities are asking the company not to close the roads and to leave the bridge over Mantalo River in place, even though it goes against what was established in the environmental impact studies.
Deforestation next to an access road, photo (c) Antonio Salas with Grupo de
Especialistas de la Sociedad Civil para el Proyecto de Camisea
As soon as the municipalities receive their gas bonuses, it is entirely likely that they will build roads from Quillabamba to Camisea and from Puerto Ocopa to Atalaya, which will impact biodiversity and native communities. The province of La Convención will also receive enormous kickbacks with similarly strong incentives to build roads. And, it is likely that Camisea's infrastructure, roads, and even the pipeline right-of-way, will facilitate access to the area.
The district mayor of Echarate, where the project is located, indicated that he would like to see the Quillabamba road extend all the way to Seringaveni, which is a settlement along a creek close to Pongo de Mainique. This road currently reaches Ivochote and then the beginnings of a road continue to Mantalo River, which is 1/2 hour upriver of the pongo (river gorge). Pressure to improve this road to make it functional is tremendous. There is another project to build a road along the right banks of the Urubamba River in Calca, the neighboring province discussing the possibilities of extending the road to Camisea. In the upper Urubamba, there are several large populated towns (Kiteni, Ivochote, Kepashiato y Pangoa) that are all in some way in favor of road building.
The most recent census in Echarate District showed large population increases from intense immigration from the Andean region. During the 20th century, there were different immigration waves into the region. Between 1909-1914, people migrated to the region because of the rubber and coffee boom. In 1933, there was another wave because of land speculations related to the opening of the Cusco - Quillabamba highway. Between 1940 and 1945, there was another migration wave because of the coffee boom and the need for workers. 1960 saw an increase in coffee crops and thus need for more people. During the sixties, the province of La Convención had 61,901 inhabitants, which represented a 252% increase since 1940-45. In 1980, migration to the area increased because of the political violence in other parts of the country. And, finally, the most recent immigration wave was in 1990 after the road to Ivochote was expanded (31).
The pipeline's right of way facilitates access to the zone and agricultural plots next to the access route,
photos (c) Antonio Salas with Grupo de Especialistas de la Sociedad Civil para el Proyecto de Camisea
Logging
Currently, there is no logging within the protected area. However, there is intense logging in the communities next to and surrounding the reserve. Forestry concessions border Machiguenga Communal Reserve to the north, which also represents a possible threat to the reserve since these concessions provide access. Also to the north, loggers are working in communal territories of Miaría and Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico Communal Territories and forestry concessions overlap in this area, which causes confusion and conflict.
The person responsible for INRENA's Office of Forestry and Wildlife Control in Sepahua claims that illegal logging is a problem common everywhere. It is difficult to have absolute control, but they are trying to establish optimal control in these places. To do so, they propose working with NGOs to come up with new strategies. There are concessions that have problems with remote communities that are not very well known and require on-site verification. Other concessions are so large that the concessionaires cannot even pay the corresponding fees, so they need to work with them. Another two concessions have border disputes, so the Special Land Titling Program (PETT) and INRENA are working together to resolve them. According to the INRENA agent, concessions represent an optimal method, but these types of problems are expected for the initial phase when the ground work is carried out. He feels that with time, the system will work for the better (32).
According to WWF staff in Sepahua, this NGO provides technical, economic, and legal assistance to the forestry extractors. They are consulting nine companies in ten concessions, eight of which are working in an appropriate way. Three of the concessions have territorial overlapping problems. The management proposal in these forestry concessions is rotating cuts. The concession is for 40 years, and covers 40,000 hectares. 1000 hectares are cut per year over that time. Under this management system, in the 41st year, the contract will be renewed for the first 1000 hectares cut. This is a way to manage and conserve the forest at the same time. INRENA has control methods. There are determined volumes in the zone. For example, there is one mahogany tree in every 10 hectares, so if someone is extracting too much mahogany for a small area, something is not right. It is detected when volume per hectare is calculated (33).
Control of wood along the Ucayali River heading towards Pucallpa is located in Atalaya where the Technical Office of INRENA's Forestry and Wildlife Control Agency is based. Control of wood from Pongo de Mainique towards Ucayali is also handled in Atalaya because it cannot be taken to Cusco. From there, they control all the wood coming from Urubamba and Tambo heading towards Pucallpa. Loggers in the region are almost all from Pucallpa.
There is logging pressure in the northern zone, along the Miaría and Sensa rivers. Loggers arrive from Ucayali and Sepahua, make agreements with some communities, and then log the area. Several residents of Miaría native communities said that in the past loggers had agreements with the communities to extract wood from communal territories, but not anymore. However, leaders from the Sensa indigenous community say that there is a problem in Miaría because colonists working with Tuesta logging company enter communal territories. Apparently, this logging company is not present in Sensa territories because they have not authorized it.
Apparently, Tuesta created problems in the past because they tried to furtively enter Sensa territories via Miaría. Sensa denounced it to INRENA who showed up to verify the claim. Not only were loggers trying to enter their territories, they scared away the animals with their logging tractors and machinery.
A leader of the Puerto Rico native community said that logger Humberto Santillán Tuesta, owner of INTEXA ranching, entered communal territory to steal land and he did not respect the borders outlined in the plans. He also said that the loggers wanted to enter the communal reserve...to protect it, the communal territory border needs to be demarcated and then they will know where Puerto Rico territory ends. Last year the land titling process began and hopefully the final borders will be determined soon (34). Puerto Rico borders a piece of real estate known as "La Soberana," owned originally by Mr. Fidel Tuesta and now by his nephew, Humberto Santillán. They have taken this area. This is a threat to the communal reserve and to community property. They even want to enter the area with tractors. This is dangerous because they could easily enter the communal reserve.
The communities are allowed to solicit INRENA for extraction permits as long as the wood is intended for community use. If it is commercial level extraction, they have to present a management plan. Since the communities do not have the capital to carry out such exploitation directly, they get in contact with loggers who take care of all the procedures and logistics and the communities provide them the space in which to work. Once they are finished in a certain area, and the loggers have removed all valuable wood, they leave without carrying out the promises made to the community. The community is left without forestry resources and with the obligations set forth in the management plans, including reforestation. Because the loggers left the communities high-and-dry, they do not have the resources necessary to implement reforestation and in the end they are fined. That is why communities no longer want to establish agreements with logging companies, although some community leaders do so without consulting community members first.
According to Erick Meneses of CI, "illegal formal logging" occurs via the forestry concessions because loggers use the legal concessions system to access prohibited areas. He notes that loggers also negotiate with native communities, and that the area being negotiated with native communities is approximately as big as the area covered by the concessions. The problem is not with the forestry laws-they are progressive. The problem is the people, politics and corruption. Loggers avoid the law by extracting from native communities where they have seen a chest full of treasures. The loggers also solicit forestry concessions next to the communal reserve or next to a community or an area with high quality wood to log from there as well and then claim that all the wood came from their concession. Loggers obtain documents to extract wood and then they take advantage of their permits to extract from unauthorized zones, mostly from native communities' lands in coordination with corrupt leaders (35).
Future Threats
The major threat to the protected area in the short term is road building, which would also bring large numbers of immigrants to the lower Urubamba and thereby increase the demand for natural resources and increase the number of illegal loggers in the zone.
Camisea project activities generate impacts that will have future consequences on the protected area. A potential erosion process exists along the pipeline's right-of-way, including the portion that crosses the communal reserve that could generate river and creek sedimentation within and around the protected area. Erosion in the deforested areas for tubing could cause slides and collapses. There is also the possibility that migrants and farmers will use the right-of-way to access the region.
Another possible threat originates from increased amount of money in the communities. Those people working with Camisea are making money, which they may spend to buy tools to extract resources. For example, they may buy boats and motors to access further into the reserved zone, or they may buy shotguns and fishing gear to more efficiently capture animals, or they may buy chainsaws to extract wood. All of these possibilities are dangers for the protected area's integrity.
Another potential threat within the protected area is Repsol - YPF petroleum exploration in Lot 90, between the Urubamba River and the northern part of the communal reserve. This is taking place within the protected area's buffer zone. It will cover 250 km and last 6 months during 2004, and will employ a 2D seismic system.
